Tuesday, May 31, 2011

As China’s Workers Get a Raise, Companies Fret

By KEITH BRADSHER

Workers at a ceramic tile factory in Jinjiang city in China's Fujian province in March.
HONG KONG — Wages are surging this year in China and among its main low-wage Asian rivals, benefiting workers across the region.
But the increases confront trading companies and Western retailers with cost increases, and are making higher prices likely for American and European consumers.
Bruce Rockowitz, the chief executive of Li & Fung, the largest trading company supplying Chinese consumer goods to American retail chains, said in a speech here on Tuesday that the company’s average costs for goods rose 15 percent in the first five months of this year compared with the same period last year. Executives at other consumer goods companies have encountered similar or larger increases.
Airline flights to Vietnam, Bangladesh, Indonesia and other low-wage Asian countries are packed these days with executives looking for alternatives to double-digit wage increases in China.
But wages are rising as fast or faster in many of these countries, following China’s example, while commodity prices have surged around the world, leaving buyers with few places to turn.
Bangladesh raised its minimum wage by 87 percent late last year, yet apparel factories there are still struggling to find enough workers to complete ever-rising orders.
“Everywhere you see signs saying ‘people wanted,’ “ said Annisul Huq, the chairman of Mohammadi Group, a large Bangladesh garment manufacturer.
The Gap surprised financial markets on May 19 by announcing that a 20 percent jump in costs from suppliers by the second half of this year would depress its profits, prompting a 17.5 percent plunge of its shares the next day.
Coach, the luxury handbag company, announced in January that it would try to reduce its reliance on China to less than half of its products within four years, from 80 percent now, by moving production to Vietnam and India.
Yet wages in Vietnam have been rising as fast as Chinese wages, or faster, while India has posed many problems for large-scale manufacturers.
Mr. Rockowitz said that India’s infrastructure — roads and ports — was “really poor,” while labor issues, including government regulations, make it hard to build Chinese-style factories for tens of thousands of workers.
With costs rising in China and few alternatives elsewhere, “you have the perfect storm for raising prices,” said Bennett Model, the chief executive of Cassin, a Manhattan-based line of designer clothing.
The company’s costs have risen 25 to 35 percent in the last year for cotton and fur garments alike.
Cassin has begun experimenting with garment production in Guatemala with some success, Mr. Model said, adding that many garment companies were still leery of buying from anywhere except China.
“Everybody’s scared of the quality — you spend so many years training a factory” to meet detailed specifications, he said.
Yet with 14 million people, Guatemala has the population only of a single large Chinese metropolitan area like Shenzhen or Guangzhou.
Workers in developing countries all over the world are becoming more aware of pay elsewhere through the Internet and the use of social media like Facebook, increasing the pressure for higher wages, Mr. Rockowitz said.
Li & Fung handles about 4 percent of American retailers’ imports from China of virtually all kinds of consumer goods, according to investment analysts.
The exception is electronics, which tend to be imported directly to the United States by other companies like Apple.
Mr. Rockowitz and other executives predict that the extremely high concentration of factories in southeastern China near Hong Kong will give way to a dispersal across the country in the next five years.
Workers are becoming much more reluctant to spend up to three days on buses and trains from the interior to reach coastal factories, particularly when the growth of domestic spending in China is creating more jobs in the interior.
Even the recent opening of high-speed rail routes that cut travel times by up to 80 percent has not been enough to revive the flow of migrants.
“They don’t have to take a 1,000-mile trip to the coast — there’s a shortage of people, unbelievable,” said Douglas Hsu, the chairman and chief executive of the Far Eastern Group, a big Taiwanese multinational with extensive investments in mainland China.
And wages in China’s interior have been rising even faster in percentage terms than in coastal provinces, steadily narrowing what was once a pattern of much higher wages in coastal export zones.
Many companies have another reason for staying in China these days: that is where their sales are growing fastest.
“If the market is in China, which in many cases it now is, there’s much less incentive to move,” said Charles Oliver, the senior partner of GCiS China, a market research company in Shanghai.
China has become the world’s largest market for a long list of products, from cars to steel.
Producing and selling in China protects companies from later facing “Buy Chinese” policies, antidumping cases or other Chinese import restrictions.
Manufacturing in China allows companies to incur costs in renminbi, the same currency as a growing part of their sales.
That insulates them from one kind of currency volatility even as the renminbi fluctuates more against the dollar and euro.
Rising wages and strengthening currencies in Asia are making it less attractive to move higher-value industries like auto manufacturing out of the West.
But little mentioned by almost anyone making or trading consumer goods in Asia these days is the possibility of moving these relatively labor-intensive manufacturing industries back to the United States or Europe.
Mr. Rockowitz was dismissive of the idea in his remarks on Tuesday at the Foreign Correspondents’ Club.
“The Western world does not have the work force to do this kind of business,” he said.
“For ‘made in Italy,’ the workers are old now and there are no new workers coming in.”

TQ yêu cầu VN ngừng hoạt động ở Biển Đông

BBC News

Lần thứ hai sau vụ tàu Bình Minh 02, Bắc Kinh lên tiếng đòi Việt Nam "chấm dứt các hoạt động tại khu vực còn tranh chấp tại Biển Đông".
Hôm 28/05, hai ngày sau khi Việt Nam cáo buộc tàu hải giám Trung Quốc gây hấn với tàu thăm dò Việt Nam, Bộ Ngoại giao Trung Quốc đã ra thông cáo nói đây là "hoạt động bình thường trong vùng biển chủ quyền" của nước này.
Mới nhất, tại cuộc họp báo hôm thứ Ba 31/05, người phát ngôn Khương Du nhắc lại lập trường của Trung Quốc.
Bà Khương nói với các nhà báo tại Bắc Kinh: "Tàu hải giám của Trung Quốc chỉ làm việc thực thi pháp luật trước sự hoạt động bất hợp pháp của tàu Việt Nam. Đây là hành động hoàn toàn chính đáng (của Trung Quốc)".
"Chúng tôi yêu cầu phía Việt Nam dừng ngay các hoạt động của họ và không gây thêm rắc rối."
Đây là lần thứ hai Trung Quốc phản hồi về cáo buộc của phía Việt Nam rằng hôm 26/05 ba tàu hải giám của Trung Quốc đã vi phạm lãnh hải của Việt Nam, uy hiếp và phá hoại thiết bị của tàu thăm dò địa chấn Việt Nam.
Hà Nội cũng đã hai lần lên tiếng về sự việc mà theo Tập đoàn Dầu khí Quốc gia Việt Nam (PetroVietnam) là xảy ra tại tọa độ 12°48’25’’ Bắc, 111°26’48’’ Đông, hoàn toàn trong vùng biển chủ quyền của Việt Nam.
Tuy nhiên, hai nước chưa hề công bố không ảnh chụp rõ vị trí gây ra va chạm.
Lần lên tiếng thứ hai của người phát ngôn Bộ Ngoại giao Việt Nam, bà Nguyễn Phương Nga trong cuộc họp báo bất thường vào Chủ nhật 29/05 được cho là cứng rắn một cách hiếm có.


Kêu gọi biểu tình
Khi đó, bà Nguyễn Phương Nga nói: “Việt Nam kiên quyết phản đối hành động của phía Trung Quốc phá hoại, cản trở các hoạt động thăm dò khảo sát bình thường của Việt nam trong thềm lục địa và vùng đặc quyền kinh tế của Việt Nam, gây thiệt hại lớn cho tập đoàn dầu khí quốc gia Việt Nam.”
“Việt Nam yêu cầu phía Trung Quốc chấm dứt ngay, không để tái diễn những hành động vi phạm quyền chủ quyền và quyền tài phán của Việt Nam đối với thềm lục địa và vùng đặc quyền kinh tế của Việt Nam, đồng thời bồi thường thiệt hại cho phía Việt Nam.”
Bà Nga còn nhấn mạnh: "Trung Quốc kêu gọi giải quyết các tranh chấp liên quan bằng biện pháp hòa bình, nhưng chính hành động của Trung Quốc đang làm phức tạp thêm tình hình ở Biển Đông.”
Báo Việt Nam có mặt tại cuộc họp cũng cho hay người phát ngôn Việt Nam nói "hải quân Việt Nam sẽ làm mọi việc cần thiết để bảo vệ vững chắc hòa bình, độc lập chủ quyền và toàn vẹn lãnh thổ của Việt Nam".
Khu vực tàu Bình Minh 02 hoạt động từ 17/03 là ở các lô 125, 126, 148, 149 cũng trong thềm lục địa miền Trung của Việt Nam.
Đây là lần đầu tàu Trung Quốc vào sâu và có hành động mạnh bạo như vậy trong vùng biển Việt Nam tuyên bố chủ quyền.
Việc người phát ngôn hai bên trao qua đổi lại các thông cáo với lời lẽ ngày càng cứng rắn cho thấy sự việc vẫn còn diễn biến phức tạp ngay trước thềm một hội nghị cấp cao về an ninh khu vực sẽ tổ chức tại Singapore vào cuối tuần này.
Được biết Bộ trưởng Quốc phòng Trung Quốc Lương Quang Liệt sẽ dẫn đầu đoàn đại biểu hùng hậu tham dự diễn đàn Đối thoại Shangri-La lần thứ 10 và có bài diễn văn quan trọng.
Việt Nam chưa xác nhận liệu Bộ trưởng Phùng Quang Thanh có tới tham dự hoạt động thường niên quy tụ nhiều bộ trưởng quốc phòng khu vực, kể cả Hoa Kỳ, hay không.
Trong khi đó, trên các diễn đàn mạng đang lưu truyền kêu gọi tuần hành ôn hòa tại Hà Nội và TP Hồ Chí Minh vào sáng ngày Chủ NHật 5/06 tới để "phản đối tuyên bố chủ quyền của Trung Quốc và yêu cầu Trung Quốc chấm dứt gây hấn và vi phạm chủ quyền lãnh thổ Việt Nam".
Chính quyền Hà Nội đã ngăn chặn một số cuộc biểu tình tương tự trong quá khứ.
Đây là đợt căng thẳng hiếm có giữa hai nước cộng sản châu Á xảy ra không lâu sau khi Việt Nam tổ chức Đại hội Đảng và bầu cử Quốc hội, chuẩn bị cho một nội các mới lên nhậm chức.
Tin mới nhất cho hay mạng Hoàn Cầu của Trung Quốc có bài cảnh cáo Việt Nam rằng "Trung Quốc không còn nhiều kiên nhẫn" trong vấn đề "biển Nam Hải".

Discrimination in China hinders AIDS fight

By Marianne Barriaux

The Chinese government has repeatedly warned of a "grim" situation with HIV/AIDS becoming highly prevalent in some areas

One area of significant improvement in China is the nationwide availability of free antiretroviral drugs
BEIJING — When Meng Lin found out he was HIV-positive, he was forced to leave home, quit his job and change his name -- the victim of intense discrimination experts say hinders China's fight against the disease.
Fifteen years later, Meng has finally landed on his feet.
He works at an HIV/AIDS NGO and has a partner, but still keeps his disease a secret from his friends amid continuing prejudice in China, despite recent improvements.
"When I was diagnosed, there was no information (about HIV/AIDS), it was terrifying. Hospitals wouldn't accept me, they told me there was no room for me, doctors told me they didn't have any medicine," he said.
"I told my family and they asked me to leave home, as they wanted to protect themselves," Meng, who refused to reveal his exact age but said he was in his 40s, told AFP.
Frightened that he might be a threat to others and that he might not live much longer, he also decided to quit his job.
Only by changing his name, starting his own business and buying the life-saving antiretroviral drugs he needed from the United States was he able to survive and start leading a normal life.
Thirty years after the first AIDS cases were detected in the United States, China says that at least 740,000 people are living with HIV -- the virus that causes AIDS -- out of a total population of 1.3 billion, although some campaigners say the actual figure could be higher.
The government has repeatedly warned of a "grim" situation in China.
In February, it said HIV/AIDS had become highly prevalent in some areas and in population groups, with rates of infection among homosexual men rising.
Nevertheless, experts and people living with HIV agree there has been progress over the years as the government has started talking more openly about the disease.
According to Meng, one area of significant improvement is the nationwide availability of free antiretroviral drugs.
A study published in The Lancet medical journal in May said China's efforts to scale up access to the drugs over the past years had resulted in national treatment coverage increasing from almost zero to 63.4 percent.
The report also found that HIV-related deaths had decreased by 60 percent.
But experts warn discrimination is still rife in the workplace and in hospitals, hindering these efforts.
"If people know they're going to lose their jobs and face discrimination in hospitals... they might not come forward and take an HIV test," said Richard Howard, an HIV/AIDS specialist at the International Labour Organization (ILO).
"Yet people who begin their treatment early are less likely to infect others. So now, more than ever, it's important that people feel comfortable to come forward and take an HIV test and know their rights will be protected."
A report released in May by the ILO found that people living with HIV/AIDS were still routinely denied treatment in hospitals.
Meng, whose NGO is called the Chinese Alliance for People Living with HIV/AIDS, said he had endured such discrimination.
Several years ago, after suffering chest pains, he was diagnosed with angina and told he would need to have surgery. But when doctors found out he was HIV-positive, they refused to perform the operation.
"I considered getting surgery abroad, but it was too costly. Eventually, the problem got better and I survived without the operation," he said.
Discrimination in the workplace is also rife -- and was brought to the fore by a landmark lawsuit last year by a young man from eastern China who said he was denied a job as a teacher because of his disease.
The plaintiff sued the local education department but ultimately lost the case.
Meng has also experienced this first-hand.
In 2005, he was organising an AIDS awareness event when journalists turned up with their cameras.
He asked them not to film him, but they did and broadcast a report on television.
"My business partners found out I had HIV and were no longer willing to work with me. I had to leave my company as a result," he said, adding the incident led him to pursue NGO work full time.
But Meng says there are signs of better acceptance in society -- a claim reinforced by Wu Jihai, a migrant worker in northern China.
"Some of my colleagues know I'm an HIV patient, but they don't discriminate against me. One man even treats me better than before and helps me at work because he knows," he told AFP.
"We shake hands and talk, as if I was a healthy man who didn't have this disease. But I still cook and eat on my own, I don't have dinner with them."
Zhang Beichuan, a professor at Qingdao University and an expert on HIV/AIDS, said the government and media needed to raise public awareness about the virus.
"China is not doing enough at the moment on two aspects. Firstly, funding and policy support is far from sufficient. Secondly, those that are engaged in AIDS work are often themselves excluded," he said.
High-profile AIDS activists Wan Yanhai and Gao Yaojie have both left China for the United States due to ongoing government pressure.
Campaigner Hu Jia was sentenced to more than three years in prison in 2008 on subversion charges.

China Says Foreigners Fuel Unrest in Mongolia

By BRIAN SPEGELE
HOHHOT, China—China accused unspecified "foreign forces" of trying to exploit protests by ethnic Mongolian students in Inner Mongolia, even as the government pledged to address some of the underlying issues—the mining industry's rapid expansion and its impact on the environment.
Local authorities appear to have quelled the protests, which erupted last week after a Mongolian herder was killed by a coal truck driven by a member of China's dominant Han ethnic group as a group of herders sought to block a convoy from crossing pastureland.
There were no reports of further protests in the region Tuesday as hundreds of riot police continued to block traffic into the central square of Hohhot, the regional capital where some activists had called for further demonstrations.
China's government, which says the coal-truck driver has been arrested, is thought to be anxious to ensure that the unrest doesn't escalate in the same way that anti-Chinese protests did in Tibet in 2008, and in northwestern Xinjiang the following year, analysts said.
Inner Mongolia's population of 24 million is now about 80% Han following six decades of migration, which many Mongolians say has swamped their traditional nomadic culture and destroyed the once-pristine environment of the grasslands.
The protests in Inner Mongolia came amid a nationwide crackdown on lawyers, political bloggers and other dissidents, including the artist Ai Weiwei, that was triggered by anonymous online calls for a "Jasmine revolution" in China in mid-February.
Ensuring social stability is especially important for the party in the run-up to the anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown on Saturday, the 90th anniversary of the Communist Party's founding on July 1, and a once-a-decade leadership change next year.
China—which rarely admits to any tension among its ethnic groups—blamed the unrest in Tibet and Xinjiang on unspecified "hostile" foreign forces, and made similar allegations about the protests in Inner Mongolia.
"As to those foreign parties that are using the incident to stir up trouble, they have ulterior motives," said Jiang Yu, spokeswoman for China's Foreign Ministry.
She added that this "cannot succeed."
Asked what she meant by "ulterior motives", she said: "You should ask those foreign parties that are stirring up trouble."
However, she said local authorities in Inner Mongolia would respond positively to the unrest, and would try to find a balance between promoting economic growth and protecting the environment.
The Global Times, an English-language tabloid newspaper with links to the ruling Communist Party, also said in a commentary that the government should respond to the grievances of ethnic Mongolians, although it stressed that the protests were economic rather than political.

Báo nước ngoài bàn về Biển Đông

BBC News
Hà Nội cáo buộc tàu hải giám Trung Quốc gây hấn với tàu thăm dò Việt Nam

Các nước trong vùng lên tiếng về căng thẳng ở Biển Đông, sau khi Hà Nội và Bắc Kinh to tiếng quanh cáo buộc tàu hải giám Trung Quốc gây hấn với tàu thăm dò Việt Nam hôm 26/5.
Xã luận ngày hôm nay của nhật báo tiếng Anh Thái Lan, Bangkok Post, gọi Biển Đông là vấn đề cũ nhưng đang xuất hiện những đe dọa mới.
"Sau một thời gian dài tương đối yên tĩnh, ngọn gió thay đổi một lần nữa lại quất vào chính trị Biển Đông... Sẽ cần cả may mắn và sự hợp tác xuyên biên giới để tránh xảy ra xung đột thực sự."
Tờ báo nhắc nhở rằng đã từng xảy ra chiến tranh vì giành giật lãnh hải và nhiều vụ va chạm ngắn ngủi mà đáng sợ:
"Tháng Giêng 1974, Nam Việt Nam và Trung Quốc, khi đó là kẻ thù, đã có trận đánh ngắn thực sự vì Hoàng Sa. Trung Quốc thắng trận đó, nhưng chính phủ ngày hôm nay ở Hà Nội khẳng định quần đảo thuộc lãnh thổ Việt Nam."
"Xa hơn về hướng nam, bốn quốc gia thỉnh thoảng lại đánh nhau và thường va chạm tàu bè vì Trường Sa. Trong vụ xung đột nghiêm trọng nhất, năm 1988, hải quân Trung Quốc giết 70 lính Việt Nam và đánh chìm tàu của Hà Nội tại Trường Sa. Sáu năm sau, tàu chiến Trung Quốc can thiệp và buộc ngừng việc khoan dầu cũng tại vùng này. Trường Sa, thực ra chỉ là bãi cát ngập nước mà không có cư dân bản địa, hiện có các căn cứ kiểu quân sự với lính của cả bốn nước. Suốt hơn mười năm qua, khu vực Trường Sa nói chung yên bình nhưng xung đột luôn là một khả năng."
Bangkok Post đề cập biến cố mới nhất liên quan con tàu của PetroVietnam, đồng thời nhắc lại việc mấy tuần gần đây, Philippines cấp giấy phép khảo sát dầu hỏa cho Forum Energy của Anh, trong khi Việt Nam cũng hợp tác với Talisman Energy để khoan dầu.
Trong khi đó, trữ lượng dầu và khí đốt của Trung Quốc giảm đi, và Bắc Kinh cũng cấp nhiều hợp đồng khoan dầu tại khu vực tranh chấp, trong đó có một dành cho một công ty Mỹ.
Cùng ngày, tờ báo tiếng Anh khác của Thái, The Nation, cũng có bài cho rằng sau 15 năm ngoại giao kiên nhẫn thì có vẻ như cả Asean và Trung Quốc "đang chứng tỏ dấu hiệu mệt mỏi vì chẳng có tiến bộ nào cho một giải pháp rốt ráo hay kế hoạch khai thác chung".
The Nation phân tích cho đến tận bây giờ, Asean và Trung Quốc vẫn chưa thể đồng ý quanh việc thực thi Tuyên bố Hành xử Các bên về Biển Đông, ký năm 2002.
Theo tờ báo, có lẽ các bên cũng sẽ chẳng thể đồng ý để kịp cho dịp kỷ niệm 10 năm vào 2012 tại Phnom Penh, khi Campuchia chủ trì hội nghị thượng đỉnh Asean lần thứ 20.
Tác giả bài báo, Kavi Chongkittavorn, cho rằng không khí tương đối yên ổn quanh Biển Đông thực ra chấm dứt từ tháng bảy năm ngoái, khi tại Hà Nội, Ngoại trưởng Mỹ Hillary Clinton công khai nêu vấn đề, khiến Ngoại trưởng Trung Quốc Dương Khiết Trì bất mãn rõ rệt.
"Một hậu quả tức thời từ sự thay đổi này có thể là thái độ và chính sách bớt lịch sự hơn của Trung Quốc đối với Asean... Bắc Kinh xem thái độ của Asean quanh các khuyến nghị là có vấn đề và gây hại cho tuyên bố chủ quyền của nước này."
Ông Kavi Chongkittavorn cảnh báo nếu tranh chấp không được giải quyết hợp lý, nó sẽ có tác động lan tỏa lên sự đua tranh Mỹ - Trung trong khu vực.
"Philippines là đồng minh có hiệp ước với Mỹ, cũng như Nhật và Hàn Quốc, vốn đang có tranh chấp về đảo với Trung Quốc. Ví dụ, một cuộc tấn công vũ trang nhỏ tại quần đảo Kalayaan có thể dễ dàng trở nên xấu đi giữa sự đua tranh gia tăng Mỹ - Trung.
Chính phủ Philippines tin rằng một vụ tấn công vào tàu Philippines trong khu vực họ quản lý cũng là tấn công trực tiếp vào Mỹ, như đã ghi trong hiệp ước quốc phòng với Mỹ."


Cảnh cáo?
Một bài của Bloomberg News hôm 28/05 đề cập đến vụ tàu Trung Quốc cắt cáp thăm dò của tàu Bình Minh 02 hôm 26/05.
Bloomberg dẫn lời James A. Lyons Jr, cựu Tư lệnh Hạm đội Thái Bình Dương của Mỹ, cho rằng hành động gần đây của cả Việt Nam và Philippines xuất phát từ việc Mỹ bày tỏ quan điểm về Biển Đông hồi năm ngoái.
Ông Lyons, dẫn dắt Hạm đội từ 1985 đến 1987 và hiện làm tư vấn tại bang Virginia, nói thêm giá dầu hỏa tăng cao cũng khiến Việt Nam và Philippines đẩy mạnh việc tìm dầu cho phát triển kinh tế.
"Với tình hình kinh tế ở Philippines và Việt Nam, việc khảo sát dầu và khí đốt có lý về mặt kinh tế. Họ phụ thuộc vào Mỹ để có cây dù an ninh."
Theo kế hoạch, Talisman, công ty dầu hỏa lớn thứ ba của Canada, sẽ sớm bắt đầu khoan tìm ở khu vực cách đảo Hải Nam của Trung Quốc chừng 1000 cây số.
Điều đáng nói, Talisman là đối tác của PetroVietnam, và điều này đặt câu hỏi phải chăng hành động của Trung Quốc với tàu Bình Minh 02 là sự cảnh cáo?
Các lô 133 và 134 của Talisman nằm cách Việt Nam khoảng 300 kilomet, được Trung Quốc gọi là lô WAB-21 – nơi vào năm 1992 họ đã đem cấp cho Crestone Energy Corp., nay nằm trong tay Harvest Natural Resources Inc. (HNR) đóng tại Houston.
Hãng tin Bloomberg nhắc lại rằng trong một phỏng vấn tháng tám năm ngoái, giám đốc điều hành của Harvest James Edmiston thừa nhận Trung Quốc "bày tỏ họ rất lo ngại và rằng họ sẽ can thiệp theo cách nào đó."


'Bắt nạt'
Trong khi đó, theo báo The Philippine Star, một thượng nghị sĩ nước này cảnh báo nếu xảy ra xung đột, Philippines chắc chắn bại trận trước Trung Quốc.
Bà Miriam Defensor-Santiago, cũng là luật sư, nói hôm 29/05: "Giữa thế giới chính trị quốc tế phức tạp, thật dễ dàng nói chúng ta sẽ chiến đấu. Nhưng có thể Trung Quốc sẽ thắng vì họ lớn hơn chúng ta. Trung Quốc thực ra đang cố gắng bắt nạt chúng ta và các nước Đông Nam Á."
Thượng nghị sĩ, từng là chủ tịch ủy ban Thượng viện về đối ngoại của Philippines, nói nước bà không thể dựa vào Mỹ vì Washington cũng cần bảo vệ quan hệ kinh tế với Trung Quốc.
Dẫu vậy, bà tin rằng Mỹ và Tây Âu sẽ không để Trung Quốc tự do khai thác dầu và khí đốt ở Trường Sa.
"Mỹ và các nước Tây Âu sẽ không cho phép vì như thế sẽ có sự bất cân đối trong phân bổ quyền lực trên thế giới một khi Trung Quốc có thể chiếm tài nguyên dầu hỏa và khoáng sản bên dưới Biển Nam Trung Hoa."
Bà thượng nghị sĩ than thở rằng quân đội Philippines thậm chí không thể biết liệu Trung Quốc có xâm nhập không phận hay chưa vì thiếu trang bị.
"Chúng ta kém quá xa về khả năng quân sự. Chúng ta không thể tự vệ. Hiện thời, khả năng tự vệ chỉ kéo được năm phút hay chưa tới năm phút. Sau đó... tất cả chúng ta đều toi," bà thượng nghị sĩ bi quan.


Chạy đua vũ trang?
Hôm cuối tuần, một chuyên gia quốc phòng tại Singapore nói Trung Quốc đang không chỉ đánh giá sức mạnh quân sự trong tương quan với Đài Loan mà còn cả với tranh chấp lãnh thổ ở Biển Đông Trung Hoa (East China Sea) và Nam Trung Hoa (South China Sea).
Tim Huxley, giám đốc điều hành của Viện Quốc tế về Nghiên cứu Chiến lược đặt ở Singapore, viết trên trang web quốc phòng DefenseNews.com trong bối cảnh viện của ông sắp sửa tổ chức hội nghị quốc phòng thường niên Đối thoại Shangri-La vào đầu tháng Sáu.
Hội nghị này có sự tham dự của bộ trưởng quốc phòng nhiều nước, gồm cả Mỹ, Nhật, Việt Nam, và Trung Quốc.
Ông Tim Huxley nói một số nước Đông Nam Á đang hiện đại hóa quân đội vì muốn "ngăn ngừa chủ nghĩa phiêu lưu của Trung Quốc tại Biển Nam Trung Hoa."
"Rõ ràng sự phát triển quân sự hiện nay tại châu Á chẳng giống với cuộc đua hải quân Anh - Đức trước 1914 hay cuộc đua tên lửa Mỹ - Liên Xô thập niên 1960."
"Tuy vậy, cũng rõ ràng là có nguy hiểm thực sự về các cuộc đua tranh quân sự cấp vùng đa chiều và tốn kém gây bất ổn cho an ninh châu Á, và hiện không có các định chế an ninh khu vực hiệu quả để phòng ngừa đe dọa này."

Monday, May 30, 2011

Ý đồ của Trung Quốc trong vụ tàu Bình Minh 02

BBC News

Báo chí Việt Nam một vài ngày nay tràn ngập các thông tin về vụ tàu hải giám Trung Quốc uy hiếp tàu khảo sát địa chấn của Việt Nam, được cho là hành động vi phạm chủ quyền thuộc loại nghiêm trọng nhất mà Trung Quốc từng thực hiện tại vùng biển của Việt Nam.
Sáng ngày 26/05, ba tàu hải giám của Trung Quốc đã quấy nhiễu và phá hoại thiết bị của tàu khảo sát Bình Minh 02 thuộc Tập đoàn Dầu khí Quốc gia PetroVietnam.
Vị trí xảy ra vụ gây hấn được nói là nằm sâu trong vùng biển của Việt Nam, cách mũi Đại Lãnh tỉnh Phú Yên chưa đầy 120 hải lý.
BBC đã có cuộc phỏng vấn ngắn với một nhà nghiên cứu chủ đề an ninh hàng hải khu vực, Thạc sỹ Iskander Rehman, về vụ việc mới xảy ra.


Iskander Rehman: Sự kiện mới rồi dường như khá nhất quán với cách ứng xử gần đây của Trung Quốc tại các vùng Biển Đông và Đông Hải, theo đó Bắc Kinh thường sử dụng cả hai biện pháp là cưỡng ép về ngoại giao và ra chỉ dấu mạnh mẽ về quân sự để khẳng định chủ quyền.
Cách ứng xử này đã dẫn tới sự căng thẳng không chỉ với tàu Việt Nam mà cả các tàu của Mỹ, Nhật và Philippines.
Cần chú ý rằng cách tiếp cận của Trung Quốc trong các tranh chấp lãnh thổ trên biển không chỉ mạnh bạo hơn mà còn trở nên đa dạng hơn trước.
Đụng độ trên biển mức độ nhỏ chỉ là một trong các biện pháp mà Bắc Kinh đang sử dụng nhằm củng cố chủ quyền trên các đảo đá và bãi cạn tại Biển Đông, vốn được cho là giàu khoáng sản.
Một biện pháp khác là phát tín hiệu quân sự như tổ chức tập trận và tăng cường tuần tra ngoài khơi gần các quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa.
Đây là biện pháp chúng ta thấy được sử dụng ngày càng nhiều trong thời gian gần đây.
Các hình thức khiêu khích này thường được thực hiện cùng điều mà các nhà phân tích chiến lược Trung Quốc gọi là 'chiến tranh pháp lý', tức người phát ngôn của chính phủ Trung Quốc mang một số điều đã được công nhận trong luật biển quốc tế ra công khai tranh cãi về khía cạnh pháp lý.

BBC: Có nhận định rằng Trung Quốc đang quan ngại về sự tiến lại gần Mỹ của Việt Nam. Liệu những gì xảy ra cuối tuần trước có phải là phản ứng của Trung Quốc trước sự nồng ấm dần trong quan hệ Việt-Mỹ hay không?
Iskander Rehman: Cần xem xét vụ đụng độ mới rồi trong bối cảnh địa chính trị đang dần thay đổi ở Đông Nam Á.
Việt Nam, với truyền thống dân tộc chủ nghĩa mạnh mẽ và thái độ bất phục tùng xưa nay đối với Trung Quốc, luôn luôn bị nhà cầm quyền Bắc Kinh xem là một quốc gia cứng đầu ở Đông Nam Á.
Tuy hai nước này đã dàn xếp xong tranh chấp biên giới trên đất liền, căng thẳng vẫn còn đó xung quanh vấn đề chủ quyền tại Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa.
Sự căng thẳng này đã dẫn tới một số cuộc đụng độ trên biển trong quá khứ, năm 1974 và 1988, và nói chung chúng ta không thể loại trừ khả năng các cuộc đụng độ tương tự sẽ còn nổ ra trong tương lai không xa.
Giới chức Trung Quốc đã tỏ ra quan ngại về quan hệ đối tác chiến lược đang phát triển nhanh chóng giữa Washington và Hà Nội, và đã phản ứng rất quyết liệt trước thông tin hai nước này bàn việc tập trận chung tại Biển Đông.
Bắc Kinh vì thế có thể sẽgiữ một lập trường cứng rắn hơn đối với Việt Nam như một hình thức trừng phạt Hà Nội về quan hệ với Hoa Kỳ, đồng thời cũng để cảnh báo về cái giá mà Việt Nam sẽ phải trả trong tương lai nếu tiếp tục giữ chính sách xích lại gần với Mỹ.

BBC: Vậy vụ gây hấn mới rồi cho thấy các xu hướng và tính toán chiến lược gì của Trung Quốc?
Iskander Rehman: Tầm ảnh hưởng của Trung Quốc về cả kinh tế và quân sự đang ngày càng lan rộng và Bắc Kinh cũng ngày càng muốn thể hiện quyền lực của mình.
Đối với nhiều nhân vật trong giới hoạch định chính sách của Trung Quốc, vốn đang ngày càng trở nên hung hăng, việc nắm kiểm soát khu vực trong vòng hải đảo tiền đồn từ quần đảo Kuriles, Nhật Bản chạy xuống Đài Loan, Philippines và Borneo; cùng với nguồn lợi dầu khí bên trong khu vực này và các tuyến hàng hải xuyên qua đó, là điều kiện tiên quyêt để Giải phóng quân Trung Quốc chuyển biến từ "quốc phòng trên biển" sang "quốc phòng ngoài đại dương", tức tăng tầm ảnh hưởng từ khu vực lên thành toàn cầu.
Đang có thông tin quân đội Trung Quốc đang muốn thiết lập một loạt các trạm theo dõi hải quân gần đảo Hải Nam để bảo vệ cho căn cứ tàu ngầm nguyên tử mà nước này đang xây dựng ở Tam Á.
Cũng vì lẽ này mà Trung Quốc đang hướng tới nắm kiểm soát hoàn toàn các quần đảo Hoàng Sa và Trường Sa.

Frustrated Chinese take justice into own hands

By Pascale Trouillaud

Individuals angry over perceived injustices such as forced evictions have resorted to desperate acts of violence

Wronged Chinese queue up in Beijing or provincial capitals to petition authorities over injustices
BEIJING — A deadly triple bomb attack in China carried out last week by a jobless man angry over a land dispute illustrates the crushing desperation of many Chinese who feel their rights are being trampled.
Car bombs and Molotov cocktails have been used by citizens who opt for vigilante justice in the Communist-ruled country, where the justice system has created mounting frustrations that could provoke more violence.
Experts say that despite the introduction of some reforms to address charges the system is unresponsive and lacks transparency, the public perception is that those changes are woefully inadequate, and rule of law is not guaranteed.
"Paradoxically, the judicial system is becoming more and more modern," Stephanie Balme, a French scholar on Chinese law based in Beijing, told AFP, citing as evidence the massive jump in the number of lawyers in China -- from 300 to 130,000 over the past 20 years.
But "because people have more legal recourse, there is a gap between their expectations and a system that is in the process of reform but which cannot fulfil all of those expectations," Balme said.
Qian Mingqi -- the 52-year-old man suspected of triggering blasts at three public buildings Thursday in the eastern city of Fuzhou, which left three dead including himself -- is one of many in China who feel the system failed him.
"For the past 10 years, I have suffered a great injustice. I cannot find justice. I was forced to go down a road I didn't want to take," Qian wrote on his microblog account.
"I will get justice myself, through concrete action."
Qian's plight borders on the surreal -- after losing his home in 1995 to make way for a highway, a second home was demolished in 2001... to make way for the same highway, the China Business News reported.
In some of his 300 angry microblog postings over the past six months, Qian accused local Communist party officials of pocketing some of the compensation that he was meant to receive in exchange for his repossessed property.
"I suffered losses of about two million yuan ($310,000), which is huge for me," Qian said.
Two weeks ago in the northwestern province of Gansu, more than 40 people were injured when a disgruntled former employee set off a petrol bomb at a bank in protest over being laid off.
Individuals angry over perceived injustices such as land expropriations and forced evictions, business disputes or other pressures associated with China's rapid modernisation have increasingly resorted to desperate acts of violence.
In September last year, three people set themselves on fire in Fuzhou -- the scene of last week's explosions -- over a land dispute. One died.
Early last year, China saw a string of stabbing attacks at schools over a span of two months that left 17 people dead, including 15 children, and more than 80 wounded.
The attacks were carried out by disgruntled loners or mentally unstable people and prompted national hand-wringing over China's focus on economic growth at the expense of addressing mental problems linked to social change.
"Authorities should learn to open smoother channels for the public to file their complaints before problems turn into confrontations and then violence," Mao Shoulong, a professor of public policy at Renmin University, told the Global Times.
While deadly rampages have taken place in other countries such as the United States, Germany, the Netherlands and Finland in recent years, the Chinese problem is specifically linked to the perceived lack of legal recourse.
Wronged Chinese queue up in Beijing or provincial capitals to petition authorities over injustices, but many complain of official unresponsiveness to their concerns, while others report being detained in so-called "black jails".
"What is absolutely certain is that there will be more and more of these types of incidents," Balme said, referring to the Fuzhou bomb attacks.
"The media can no longer cover these up."
In deep rural China, "it is much more difficult for those who seek justice in the courts to avoid corruption and arbitrary decisions when they themselves have no way to defend their rights."
Qian's microblog account has been flooded with posthumous messages of support, making him an unlikely hero -- a result sure to irritate government leaders and the Communist party's top brass.
Human rights activist Liu Feiyue said many "could be inspired" by Qian's actions, explaining: "He carefully chose his targets -- corrupt officials who violate the rights of simple people."
Liu noted the "resentment, even hatred, that builds up in the hearts of petitioners", later morphing into "violent vengeance".
"This proves that the judicial system and the petitioning system in China are not effective," he told AFP.

US museums walk tightrope after China arrest

By Shaun Tandon

Chinese artist Ai Weiwei sits in the courtyard of his home in Beijing where he remains under house arrest.

A woman poses for photographers as she looks at a work of art entitled 'Coloured Vases' by Chinese artist Ai Weiwei
WASHINGTON — US museums are facing delicate choices as they strive to meet a growing interest in China, cooperating with counterparts across the Pacific despite alarm over the detention of top artist Ai Weiwei.
Directors of museums across the United States said in interviews that they found a strong public appetite for work from China, with Americans eager to see everything from ancient treasures to modern art from the rising Asian power.
But the US art world has also led calls to free Ai.
One of China's most provocative artists, Ai had been begrudgingly tolerated but was seized in April and accused of tax evasion as Beijing mounts a sweeping crackdown on dissent.
The Milwaukee Art Museum on June 11 opens a major exhibition of Chinese art that features more than 90 objects -- many long hidden from public view -- made for the 18th-century Qianlong emperor and kept inside the Forbidden City.
The exhibition is a collaboration with China's Palace Museum, which worked with the Peabody Essex Museum in Massachusetts on the three-stop tour that also stopped at New York's Metropolitan Museum of Art.
Dan Keegan, director of the Milwaukee Art Museum, said his institution's "Summer of China" was aimed at the general public and would include discussions touching on many aspects of Chinese art and culture -- including Ai's case.
Keegan said he considered the museum to be a "forum for public understanding rather than a platform for academic protest."
"The museum's role is to build bridges, not walls. In this country, conversation is better than self-censorship," he said.
A very different dilemma is facing the Museum of Contemporary Art San Diego, which recently decided to acquire work by Ai -- two chairs crafted from solid marble -- that it now has on temporary license.
Director Hugh Davies said the museum was recently told by the shipping intermediary that the chairs -- which are on display and popular among visitors -- needed to be returned to China.
"It might just be a bureaucratic snafu, but I would guess it probably isn't," Davies said.
"It's our intention to keep these chairs and we will fight vigorously with that goal in mind. But we also don't want to do anything that would deepen Ai Weiwei's problems or lengthen his incarceration, so we have to tread very carefully," he said.
Davies said the chairs showed "exquisite craftsmanship" and hailed Ai as a historic figure in art.
"This is the equivalent of Andy Warhol or Jasper Johns being arrested without charges and then being accused of tax evasion or something like that," Davies said.
Ai's best-known works include "Sunflower Seeds," an exhibition at London's Tate Modern of millions of seemingly identical but in fact unique mini-sculptures.
In Munich, Ai arranged thousands of backpacks in a poignant reminder of the children killed in the 2008 Sichuan earthquake due to what many parents said was shoddy construction.
British novelist Hari Kunzru, writing Saturday in The Guardian, called Ai's detention "a watershed moment for the international art world."
He called the case "the equivalent of the moral tests so badly flunked by technology companies like Cisco and Yahoo when faced with the dizzying financial vistas of the Chinese market."
Museums led by New York's Guggenheim issued a petition for Ai's release that was signed by more than 130,000 people on the activist site change.org.
But Melissa Chiu, museum director at the Asia Society in New York, said she had not seen any hesitation from US institutions about dealing with China and argued that too much pressure could hurt Ai.
"If anything, I believe most museums see the need for such exhibitions more than ever to understand Chinese history or contemporary culture," she said.
Some 130 pieces from the Forbidden City will go on display starting in September at the Louvre in Paris.
China also agreed in May to send some 200 works from the Forbidden City in 2014 to the Virginia Museum of Fine Arts in Richmond, which separately this year is showcasing another leading contemporary artist, Xu Bing.
Virginia museum director Alex Nyerges, who has worked for years on Chinese art, said Chinese museum professionals were second to none and that it would be a mistake to see them as simply part of the state apparatus.
Noting that his own museum was publicly supported, Nyerges said: "Those of us who work in cultural institutions don't define ourselves first as an agency of the government. We are an agency, but we are first and foremost an art museum."
"The amount of misinformation in both the United States and China about our respective cultures is highly unfortunate, and considerable. And the major way we can bridge this lack of understanding is through art and culture," he said.

Vietnam and China oil clashes intensify

By Ben Bland in Hanoi and Kathrin Hille in Beijing

Vietnamese navy personnel patrol Truong Sa (Spratly) islands.
Tensions between China and Vietnam escalated over the weekend as each nation accused the other of violating its sovereignty in the oil-rich South China Sea.
PetroVietnam, the state-owned oil and gas monopoly, said on Sunday that China had sabotaged Vietnamese oil exploration vessels, the latest accusation between the countries over the disputed waters.
“When we conduct seismic survey and drilling operations, they [China] have aeroplanes flying over to survey our activities, they harass us with their vessels, and in extreme cases they cut our [exploration] cables,” said Do Van Hau, a senior PetroVietnam official.
The renewed tensions come as Liang Guanglie, the Chinese defence minister, and Robert Gates, his US counterpart, prepare to attend the Shangri-La Dialogue, a high-profile annual Asia defence forum in Singapore next weekend.
Mr Liang’s appearance will mark the first time a Chinese defence minister has participated in the meeting.
The Vietnamese harassment claims will put the South China Sea issue back in focus ahead of the regional security meeting, which in recent years has increasingly focused on Chinese maritime behaviour in the disputed waters.
South-east Asian countries are concerned about what they perceive to be Beijing’s increasingly assertive behaviour in regional waters.
The rising tensions have also attracted the attention of Washington.
Hillary Clinton, US secretary of state, angered Beijing last July by insisting that the South China Sea was of strategic importance to the US and offering to act as a mediator.
In addition to China and Vietnam, Brunei, Malaysia and the Philippines all claim part or all of the South China Sea, which is believed to contain vast oil and gas reserves and incorporates key trade routes and abundant fish stocks.
On Sunday, PetroVietnam said the Chinese boats that approached one of its vessels on Thursday had deliberately cut an exploration cable, which had been submerged to 30 metres to protect it from oncoming ships.
PetroVietnam is working with a number of large international oil companies, including ExxonMobil and Chevron, to explore and develop oil and gas assets in South China Sea waters claimed by Vietnam.
Mr Hau said that this latest incident “will impact on the attitudes of foreign investors”.
Carl Thayer, an expert on the South China Sea at the Australian Defence Force Academy in Canberra, said that this latest incident represented an escalation in Chinese aggression toward Vietnam.
“China is brazenly asserting its sovereignty by such actions and it has the preponderance of vessels to enforce this,” he said.
Just before 6am on Thursday, three Chinese patrol ships rushed the Binh Minh 2, a seismic survey ship owned by PetroVietnam, damaging a number of cables, according to Vietnam’s foreign ministry.
The oil exploration vessel had detected the Chinese ships approaching on radar about an hour earlier without warning.
The encounter took place 120 nautical miles off the coast of Phu Yen province in south-central Vietnam, in waters that are claimed by both China and Vietnam.
China routinely detains Vietnamese fisherman who are plying their trade in disputed waters but this is the first time in recent years that Chinese patrol boats have clashed with a Vietnamese oil exploration vessel.
A Philippines-licensed oil survey ship suffered a similar confrontation with Chinese patrol vessels in March.
The clash comes just a week after China and the Philippines pledged “responsible behaviour” in the disputed areas and repeated their commitment to a peaceful resolution of conflicting territorial claims.
During a visit of Liang Guanglie, China’s minister of defence, to Manila last Monday, officials from both governments pledged to avoid unilateral moves which could raise tension.
Philippine President Benigno Aquino said after the visit incidents in disputed areas could trigger a regional arms race, and force the Philippines to strengthen its military capabilities.
Security experts have said that such an arms race is under way already.
Several south-east Asian countries are beefing up their air and sea defences – Singapore, Malaysia, Vietnam and Thailand have all acquired or placed orders for frigates, fighter aircraft and submarines.
Neither the foreign ministry nor the defence ministry in China responded to requests for comment.

Poisoning shuts China factories

By Kathrin Hille in Beijing

China has closed a raft of battery factories in the south of the country, as provincial officials come under pressure to show they are acting on recent lead poisoning scandals.
Xu Hong, head of the lead acid storage battery branch of the China Electrical Equipment Industry Association, told the Financial Times most battery plants in Zhejiang, Guangdong, Fujian, Henan and Sichuan had been closed down following a central government order to root out heavy metal pollution problems in the sector.
She expects prices of lead acid storage batteries – rechargeable units used in a broad range of products including mobile phones, electric bicycles and cars – to soar if the closures last three months or longer.
Checks with battery factories in several provinces and their customers suggest that the crackdown is so far being carried out most thoroughly in Zhejiang, where more than 300 people, including 99 children, were found to have been poisoned by a lead battery plant earlier this month.
Poisoning from heavy metal pollution has become one of the most serious and widespread consequences of more than 30 years of industrialisation in China.
According to state media, more than 4,000 people were found to be affected by more than 20 lead poisoning scandals in China since 2009 alone.
Local governments have often suppressed initial signs of contamination, fearing the loss of local jobs and tax revenue.
Such pollution cases have often triggered unrest when sick residents failed to get free medical treatment.
Activists have criticised a lack of transparency and an independent legal system that they say has made it difficult to address these problems.
They argue that the government response has been largely limited to off-and-on campaigns in response to acute crises.
The latest crackdown follows this pattern but appears to be more wide-ranging than earlier efforts.
Two weeks ago, the head of Zhejiang Deqing Haijiu Battery Corporation was detained and several local officials received demerits after an investigation into the latest contamination case.
On May 18, the Ministry of Environmental Protection issued a notice demanding that provincial authorities strengthen supervision of factories and enforcement of related laws.
Production of lead acid storage batteries had since been stopped all over Zhejiang province, said local industry executives.
“Our factory was ordered to close on May 4,” said Lü Xiaofang, manager of Zhejiang Huzhou Nanxun Fangtai Battery Co, adding that the local environmental protection bureau had come to inspect the plant.
“It’s not just us, all factories here are closed.”
He added that the companies did not know when they could resume production.
Yin Lilai, a salesperson with Topline (Guangzhou) Technology Battery Co, a company affiliated with Taiwan’s Yuasa, said that it had been inspected but was allowed to continue operations, but that many other battery factories in Guangzhou had been closed down.
Gavin Hu, deputy general manager of Jiangsu Xinri E-Vehicle, China’s largest vendor of electric bicycles, said the closures were mostly limited to Zhejiang and to smaller producers.
“There is a certain supply shortage as a result of the closures,” he said.

Protests break calm in China's Inner Mongolia area


In this May 27, 2011, photo released by Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Center, Mongolian Chinese paramilitary police officers scuffle with protesters in Shuluun Huh county of northern China's Inner Mongolia province. Authorities poured more police into the streets and slowed Internet service in several parts of China's Inner Mongolia on Monday, May 30, following days of protests believed to be the largest in the region in 20 years.

In this May 26, 2011, photo released by Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Center, Mongolian herders and students hold a banner which reads "Defend legal rights of herders" to protest in Huveet Shar county in northern China's Inner Mongolia province.


In this May 23, 2011, photo released by Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Center, Chinese security personnel face off protesters on a street of Xilinhot in northern China's Inner Mongolia province. 

In this May 26, 2011, photo released by Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Center, Mongolian herders and students hold a banner which reads "Defend our homeland" during a protest in Left Ujumchin county in northern China's Inner Mongolia province.

In this May 25, 2011, photo released by Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Center, students from Mongolian schools march in a protest before a government office in Xilinhot in northern China's Inner Mongolia province.

In this May 25, 2011, photo released by Southern Mongolian Human Rights Information Center, students from Mongolian schools gather in a protest before a government office in Xilinhot in northern China's Inner Mongolia province. 
BEIJING (AP) — Calls for justice by Mongols in the resource-rich, prosperous borderland of northern China have shattered the calm there to which Chinese leaders have grown accustomed.
Clashes that left two Mongols dead in mid-May triggered protests in several cities and towns last week that have become the largest demonstrations in the Inner Mongolia region in 20 years.
The government has responded with a broad clampdown, pouring police into the streets, disrupting Internet service and confining high school and university students to campus.
The strategy appeared to thwart a major demonstration Monday in the regional capital of Hohhot, though a witness said students attempted to protest in one place but were turned back by police.
It's a rattling turn of events for Chinese leaders, who have long battled ethnic unrest by Tibetans and Muslim Uighurs in Xinjiang but who have seen Inner Mongolia as a model, its economy booming and its Mongols integrated into the mainstream.
On Monday, President Hu Jintao gathered the Communist Party's powerful Politburo to discuss what it said is the urgent need to reduce social tensions and promote fairness.
The stress on economic success that made Chinese leaders complacent and many Mongols satisfied — and a lack of interest in pushing minority rights — is fueling the strains that have burst into the open.
"It should not happen that we only focus on the economic development, but care less about the interests of the minority people," said Yang Jianxin, an expert on ethnic relations at Lanzhou University in western China.
A mining boom has enriched some but pushed further to the margins an already dwindling number of herders — whose roaming the grasslands with their herds of cattle, goats and sheep lies at the core of Mongol identity.
Meanwhile a new generation of Mongol students is coming of age wired to the Internet in a time of relative affluence and are questioning what it means to be Mongol.
"Tensions in Inner Mongolia have been rising under the surface for many years. These are classic issues that you see in many places related to policies toward minorities," Human Rights Watch Asian researcher Nicholas Bequelin said.
Inner Mongolia, with its grasslands and deserts, runs across northern China, separating it from the independent country of Mongolia.
For centuries, Chinese rulers have long cast a wary eye north, fearing the nomadic tribes that periodically swept south and toppled dynasties.
Members of China's Han majority trickled into Inner Mongolia, often fleeing famine and poverty.
But the flow increased after the founding of the communist state founded in 1949, and has turned into a flood in recent years on the back of boom in mining, especially of coal.
Coal production has soared threefold over the past five years, reaching 782 million tons last year, making it the leading producer of China's main energy source, according to government statistics.
Mongols today make up less than 20 percent of the region's population of 24 million and many speak little or no Mongolian as a result of being educated in Chinese — a fate Tibetans and Xinjiang's native Turkic Muslim Uighurs fear befalling them.
Unlike Tibet and Xinjiang, which have exploded in violent anti-government protests in recent years, Inner Mongolia had been generally quiet.
That's partly due to the perception among Mongols that they were better off under Chinese rule than their ethnic brethren in impoverished Mongolia, said Barry Sautman of Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.
While annual per capita GDP in Inner Mongolia exceeded $7,000 in 2010, more than triple that of Mongolia, more ethnic Mongols now seem to be questioning the system under which they live, said Sautman.
The current protest movement "could serve to reinforce Mongol identity and revive calls for protecting pastoralism as an aspect of the culture," Sautman said.
The last time China's Mongols took their cues from north of the border was 20 years ago when Mongolia sloughed off its status as a Soviet client state in a peaceful democratic revolution.
Some Mongols have fled northward.
About 30 Inner Mongolian exiles and members of an ultranationalist Mongolian political party staged a sympathy protest Sunday in the Mongolia's capital of Ulan Bator.
Among their demands: protecting pasturelands and securing the indigenous rights of Mongols in Inner Mongolia, in an echo of the Inner Mongolian protesters' calls for preserving the herding lifestyle and strengthening protections for the Mongolian language and traditional Buddhist culture.
Inner Mongolians who have sought to organize politically have been ruthlessly suppressed.
One of the region's best known ethnic nationalists, Hada, just completed a 15-year prison sentence for spying and separatism but remains detained in an undisclosed location.
Government policies in some cases meant to help have further alienated many Mongolians.
Limits on the size of herds intended to preserve grazing land are deeply unpopular because they reduce rural incomes, meanwhile mining concessions are given out to Chinese, said Becquelin, the Human Rights Watch researher.
Moves to fence in pastures and relocate herders to more remote areas have backfired by causing overgrazing and making it more difficult to move animal products to market, he said.
The flashpoints for the latest unrest came from the mining boom.
On May 10, herders angry at coal haulers for driving over their grazing lands blocked a road and one truck driver struck and killed a herder.
A few days later, a group of Mongols went to a coal mine to complain and got into a fight in which a Chinese miner rammed a forklift into one of the Mongols, killing him.
Authorities have arrested two Chinese in the first death and said Monday that a Chinese miner would be put on trial for murder in the second case. The swiftness of the response highlights how worried Chinese leaders are.
At Monday's meeting, the Politburo said easing social tensions and promoting fairness is critical.
"Solving these problems is both urgent and demands long-term effort," it said.

Vietnam accuses China in seas dispute


BBC News
The US has increased military and diplomatic ties with Vietnam in recent months

Vietnam's foreign ministry has accused China of increasing regional tensions in an escalating territorial dispute.
A rare weekend news briefing followed a confrontation in the South China Sea between a Vietnamese oil and gas survey ship and Chinese patrol boats.
Vietnam says the boats deliberately cut the survey ship's cables in Vietnamese waters.
China denies the allegation.
China, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei all claim territories in the South China Sea.
The area includes an important shipping route and is also thought to contain oil and gas deposits.
The spat comes just days before a regional security conference in Singapore.
Beijing said its defence minister would attend the International Institute of Strategic Studies to promote co-operation and stability in the Asia Pacific region.


'High speed'
The latest clash involving Chinese patrol boats occurred 120km (80 miles) off the south-central coast of Vietnam and some 600km south of China's Hainan island.
"The Vietnamese navy will do everything necessary to firmly protect peace and the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Vietnam," foreign ministry spokeswoman Nguyen Phuong Nga said.
One of three Chinese patrol vessels on the scene intentionally cut a submerged cable towed by the ship, the Binh Minh 02, said Do Van Hau, deputy chief executive of state oil and gas group PetroVietnam, which was operating the ship.
"Chinese vessels were at very high speed and did not respond to our ship's warning and then cut the cables of the Binh Minh 02, about 2km from where it was positioned," he said.
China's foreign ministry blamed Vietnam for the incident, saying its oil and gas operations "undermined China's interests and jurisdictional rights".
China's claim in the South China Sea is by far the largest, and includes the Spratly and Paracel archipelagos.
Last year, China sharply rebuked US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton when she said the US supported the freedom of navigation in the area and offered to facilitate multilateral talks on the disputes.

Old problem, new threats

Bangkok Post

The South China Sea is still one of the world's most dangerous ocean areas.
But although it is subject to some of Mother Nature's most violent typhoons, its real danger is its international disputes.
After a long period of relative calm, winds of change are whipping up South China Sea politics again.
Vietnam and the Philippines are pushing to open exploration for oil and gas, and China has awarded new drilling contracts.
The commercial operations of each country are disputed and opposed by the two others.
It will take luck as well as cross-border cooperation to avoid real conflict.
The main actor in South China Sea politics is China.
Beijing claims sovereignty over pretty well all of the Sea, including areas that are much further away from China than other littoral countries.
Taiwan's claims are the same as China's, and backed by the same questionable historical documents.
Vietnam and the Philippines each claim ownership of huge swathes of the Sea itself, as well as island groups, especially the Spratly Islands, which are actually occupied by all four countries.
The territorial claims of Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei are more modest.
There have been wars over South China Sea territory, and numerous short, scary near-wars.
In January 1974, then-enemy countries South Vietnam and China fought a brief, real battle over the Paracel Islands about halfway between the two countries.
China won that battle but today's government in Hanoi maintains that the islands are Vietnamese territory.
Further south, four countries have occasionally fought and often collided ships over the Spratlys.
In the most serious clash, in 1988, Chinese naval forces killed 70 Vietnamese troops and sank Hanoi's navy ships in the Spratlys.
Six years later, Chinese warships intervened and forced oil drilling to halt, in the same area.
The Spratlys, in truth nothing but shoals and with no native inhabitants, have military-type bases manned by four countries.
For more than a dozen years, the Spratlys area has been largely peaceful, but with conflict always a possibility.
Last week, Vietnam discovered that survey cables of a PetroVietnam exploration ship had been cut inside a Sea area known as Lot 148.
It is just 120 nautical miles or 222km off the coast of central Vietnam, and about five times that distance from China proper.
However, the area is claimed by China as well.
Vietnam filed a diplomatic protest, claiming that three Chinese vessels had cut the cables on purpose.
China replied only indirectly, asserting as it usually does in any such incidents, that it has "indisputable sovereignty" over Lot 148 and millions of square kilometres.
Any exploration in the area, by any country, is a violation of China's "sovereignty and interests and is illegal".
In recent weeks, the Philippines has issued oil exploration licences to Britain-based Forum Energy.
Vietnam has joined with Talisman Energy in another drilling venture.
China, meanwhile, has seen its oil and gas reserves shrink, and Beijing has awarded several drilling contracts in disputed areas, including one to a US firm.
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations has lethargically and ineffectively tried for the past nine years to negotiate with China over the issue.
The aim is to write a "code of conduct" which would bring all concerned countries to agree to share the South China Sea's resources.
Asean, but particularly Beijing, can do much more.
They must indeed do better, or risk more upheaval in the region.

Sunday, May 29, 2011

Hà Nội phản bác lại Trung Quốc

BBC News
Vị trí xảy ra sự kiện liên quan tàu Bình Minh 02
Tranh cãi giữa Việt Nam và Trung Quốc tiếp tục khi hôm nay Bộ Ngoại giao Việt Nam cáo buộc Bắc Kinh “gây thiệt hại lớn cho tập đoàn dầu khí quốc gia Việt Nam”.
Tại cuộc họp báo ở Hà Nội, Người Phát ngôn Bộ Ngoại giao Nguyễn Phương Nga nói: “Việt Nam kiên quyết phản đối hành động của phía Trung Quốc phá hoại, cản trở các hoạt động thăm dò khảo sát bình thường của Việt nam trong thềm lục địa và vùng đặc quyền kinh tế của Việt Nam, gây thiệt hại lớn cho tập đoàn dầu khí quốc gia Việt Nam.”
Bà yêu cầu Trung Quốc bồi thường: “Việt Nam yêu cầu phía Trung Quốc chấm dứt ngay, không để tái diễn những hành động vi phạm quyền chủ quyền và quyền tài phán của Việt Nam đối với thềm lục địa và vùng đặc quyền kinh tế của Việt Nam, đồng thời bồi thường thiệt hại cho phía Việt Nam.”
Bắc Kinh lên tiếng về cáo buộc tàu hải giám Trung Quốc gây hấn với tàu thăm dò Việt Nam hôm 26/5, nói đây là "hoạt động bình thường trong vùng biển chủ quyền" của nước này.
Thông cáo đăng trên website của Bộ Ngoại giao Trung Quốc hôm 28/05 dẫn lời người phát ngôn Khương Du tuyên bố Trung Quốc phản đối việc Việt Nam thăm dò và khai thác dầu khí tại khu vực Biển Đông thuộc chủ quyền của Trung Quốc.
Trước đó, PetroVietnam nói ba tàu hải giám của Trung Quốc đã vi phạm lãnh hải của Việt Nam, uy hiếp và phá hoại thiết bị của tàu thăm dò địa chấn Bình Minh 02 của hãng này.
Vị trí xảy ra sự cố, theo PetroVietnam, là tọa độ 12°48’25’’ Bắc, 111°26’48’’ Đông, hoàn toàn trong vùng biển chủ quyền của Việt Nam.
Bà Nguyễn Phương Nga bác bỏ tuyên bố của bà Khương Du.
“Thứ nhất là, khu vực Việt Nam tiến hành thăm dò hoàn toàn nằm trong vùng đặc quyền kinh tế và thềm lục địa 200 hải lý của Việt Nam theo công ước luật biển của LHQ 1982. Đây hoàn toàn không phải là khu vực tranh chấp, lại càng không thể nói là khu vực do Trung Quốc quản lý. Trung Quốc đang cố tình làm dư luận hiểu nhầm khu vực không có tranh chấp thành khu vực tranh chấp.”
Trong một tuyên bố hiếm có -- cứng rắn và nhiều chi tiết -- bà Nga nói tiếp: “Thứ hai là, Việt Nam luôn tuân thủ nhận thức chung của lãnh đạo cấp cao hai nước là giải quyết mọi tranh chấp bằng biện pháp hòa bình, không có hành động làm phức tạp thêm tình hình. Không có nhận thức chung nào nói rằng Trung Quốc có quyền cản trở các hoạt động của Việt Nam tại vùng đặc quyền kinh tế và thềm lục địa của Việt Nam. Chính hành động này của Trung Quốc đã đi ngược lại nhận thức chung của lãnh đạo cấp cao hai nước.”
“Thứ ba là, Trung Quốc kêu gọi giải quyết các tranh chấp liên quan bằng biện pháp hòa bình, nhưng chính hành động của Trung Quốc đang làm phức tạp thêm tình hình ở Biển Đông.”
Không dừng lại ở vụ việc của PetroVietnam, người phát ngôn tại Hà Nội nhấn mạnh: “Yêu sách đường 9 đoạn hay còn gọi là “đường lưỡi bò” của Trung Quốc ở Biển Đông hoàn toàn không có cơ sở pháp lý, trái với Công ước 1982 của Liên Hợp Quốc về Luật Biển mà Trung Quốc là một thành viên.”
“Yêu sách này xâm phạm vùng đặc quyền kinh tế và thềm lục địa của nhiều nước trong khu vực, trong đó có Việt Nam, và đã bị nhiều nước phản đối. Việc Trung Quốc tìm cách thực hiện yêu sách này trên thực tế đang làm gia tăng căng thẳng trong khu vực.”
Nội dung phản đối này cũng được tường thuật trên trang web chính thức của chính phủ Việt Nam và trang báo điện tử Đảng Cộng sản Việt Nam.
Một loạt tờ báo chính thống ở trong nước đều đăng bài phản đối Trung Quốc.
Trang web báo Dân Trí cho đăng nhiều thư lên án Trung Quốc “vi phạm trắng trợn chủ quyền lãnh hải”.
Sự kiện xảy ra hôm 26/05 với tàu thăm dò của Tổng công ty Dầu khí Việt Nam đã gây chấn động trong dư luận ở trong nước.
PetroVietnam nói đây là "hành động hết sức ngang ngược, vi phạm trắng trợn đối với quyền chủ quyền của Việt Nam, gây thiệt hại lớn về kinh tế và cản trở hoạt động của PetroVietnam".
Bộ Ngoại giao Việt Nam một hôm sau đó đã gửi công hàm phản đối tới Sứ quán Trung Quốc.
Cuối năm 2007-đầu 2008 đã có các cuộc biểu tình phản đối Trung Quốc "chiếm Hoàng Sa-Trường Sa của Việt Nam" tại Hà Nội và Sài Gòn.

Ai Weiwei: the dissident artist

He filled Tate Modern's Turbine Hall with sunflower seeds and campaigned against corruption. Then last month China's most provocative artist disappeared.
By Hari Kunzru
protesters in Ai Weiwei masks
'If he is not free then we are not' ... pro-democracy protesters in Ai Weiwei masks. 
As I write, the Chinese artist Ai Weiwei has been in detention for 51 days and 6 hours.
I know this so precisely because someone who goes by the handle "loveaiww" has placed a counter on the web.
On the door of my flat is a poster with a silhouette of Ai, made from a photograph taken during a period when he was interested in getting (and giving) weird haircuts.
His round head is surmounted by two long tufts of hair, like horns. It looks wild, comic.
"Weiwei works here" says the text.
We are all Ai Weiwei, is the message.
Where we are, he is too. And wherever he is, we are with him.
Ai disappeared on 3 April, as he was about to board a plane at Beijing international airport.
Until 16 May, when his wife secured a 10-minute visit, there was no official word of his whereabouts.
Three days after he vanished, Xinhua, the Chinese government news agency, put up a story saying he was to be charged with "economic crimes".
It was only online for a few minutes, before being taken down.
Around the world supporters mounted protests outside Chinese embassies and consulates.
In New York a couple of hundred of us were corralled at the side of the busy West Side Highway, the police having thoughtfully positioned us almost out of sight of the consulate and forbidden the organisers to use a megaphone.
On 20 May the Beijing police finally confirmed that a company owned by Ai was being investigated for tax evasion.
There is still no word of when he will be charged, let alone released.
As a global art star, co-architect of the Beijing Olympic stadium and outspoken dissident, Ai has become internationally famous.
His recent Sunflower seeds installation at the Tate Modern won him an enthusiastic British audience.
Zodiac Heads, a group of giant bronzes recreating pieces looted from Beijing's Old Summer Palace by British troops during the second opium war, is currently on show at Somerset House.
There is no comparable figure in Europe or America.
Imagine if one of the faded British celebrities of the 1990s Sensation generation, or the New York art-market titans who paint in $3,000 suits were using their money and fame to confront corruption and become a voice for the powerless.
The publication of Ai Weiwei's Blog: Writings, Interviews and Digital Rants, 2006-2009 has, for the first time, given non Chinese speakers access to writings which circulated among millions of people until the authorities took the blog offline two years ago.
Ai's comments on everything from street furniture to capital punishment have become an integral part of his identity as an artist.
"All people have a responsibility to speak their opinion on things," he wrote in 2006, "to state the simple principles of their lives."
Ai exercises this responsibility in a muscular way, berating his fellow citizens in the strongest possible terms. "The People, the so-called People, are really simple-minded loafers... who have abandoned their rights and responsibilities, who walk like ghosts on the ever-widening streets, and whose true emotions, dreams and homes are long lost."
China is "a land with no truth, no justice and no soul".
His criticisms often have a bitter humour.
"If national honour did exist, it would merely be something that the autocrats busied themselves with ruining."
Ai's detention is, among other things, a watershed moment for the international art world, the equivalent of the moral tests so badly flunked by technology companies like Cisco and Yahoo when faced with the dizzying financial vistas of the Chinese market.
Notoriously fond of adopting radical postures, and notoriously shy of turning down money, players in the business of contemporary art – gallerists, collectors, curators, auctioneers and fellow artists – must now decide what risks (if any) they are prepared to take in defence of one of their own.
In the US, the Milwaukee Art Museum, which is about to host a "Summer of China" in collaboration with the Palace Museum in Beijing, has become a focus for discussion about what role museums can or should play in the debate about artistic censorship and human rights.
Stung by online criticism of its decision to participate in the Hong Kong International Art Fair, Ai's London dealer, the Lisson Gallery, recently announced that, while it "deplored" the artist's detention and was "committed to the campaign to secure his release"... to "withdraw from ART HK and not show work by the artist would make us complicit in the authorities' attempt to silence him and his supporters".
His German dealer, Neugerriemschneider, has placed a banner on the outside of its Berlin building, asking "Where is Ai Weiwei?" and distributed badges designed by Ai's friend, the Thai artist Rirkrit Tiravanija.
They will also be at ART HK, where they intend to "make Tiravanija's statement visible".
The website of Ai's Swiss dealer, Galerie Urs Meile, which has a space in Beijing, offers images of his work but mentions nothing about his detention.
Galerie Urs Meile, which did not respond to a request for comment, will also exhibit in Hong Kong.
Is "being present", as the Lisson put it, just code for "business as usual"?
Or do the galleries intend to use that presence (and their networks of wealthy and influential Chinese collectors) to further Ai's cause?
Ai's confrontation with the Chinese authorities has been a long time coming.
One could say, without being melodramatic, that he was born into it.
He is the son of the admired poet Ai Qing, a communist who had been with Mao in Yan'an in the years before the 1949 revolution, but fell foul of the party during the anti-rightist movement of the late 1950s and was declared an enemy of the people.
In 1957, shortly after Weiwei's birth, Ai Qing was sent for "re-education through labour", first to a forest in Heilongjiang (Manchuria), then to the far western highlands of Xinjiang, where the family lived for a time in a pit dug out of the earth, and Weiwei would go to watch his father, aged almost 60, cleaning the public toilets for a village of 200.
Xinjiang, where winter temperatures can drop as low as -20°C, was Weiwei's world until the age of 19.
In 1976, as the terror of the cultural revolution abated, Ai Qing was rehabilitated and the family moved back to Beijing.
Weiwei began to draw, tutored informally by friends of his father.
He was also given three art books, an incredible rarity in China at that time.
Two – one on Impressionism and a monograph about Van Gogh, he kept.
The third, on Jasper Johns, went in the bin.
"I just couldn't figure out whether it was art," he later explained.
In 1978 he enrolled at the Beijing film academy and was soon part of a milieu of artists and radicals who took advantage of the thaw in Communist party policy to voice their desire for change.
That December, a long brick wall in Beijing's Xidan street became the focus for dissent.
Ai was one of a small group (he estimates it at fewer than a hundred) of activists who pasted posters and broadsides on the so-called "Democracy Wall".
The movement was suppressed after a young electrician called Wei Jingsheng put up a poster calling for a "fifth modernisation".
It was party policy to push for progress in four areas – industry, agriculture and national defence.
Wei wrote that "we want to be masters of our own destiny. We need no Gods or Emperors. We do not believe in the existence of any saviour. We want to be masters of the world and not instruments used by autocrats to carry out their wild ambitions. We want a modern lifestyle and democracy for the people. Freedom and happiness are our sole objectives in accomplishing modernisation. Without this fifth modernisation all others are merely another promise."
Wei was arrested and sentenced to 15 years in a labour camp.
Ai was profoundly affected by the fate of Wei Jingsheng and the other leaders of the Democracy Wall movement.
As soon as he could, he left China for the US, winding up in New York, where he lived on the Lower East Side and moved in the fringes of the vibrant downtown scene.
For a time he studied at Parsons School of Design, but his teacher, the artist Sean Scully, pronounced that his technically adept drawing had "no heart", and Ai, "ashamed", soon dropped out.
He supported himself with a variety of odd jobs, including an extremely successful stint as a blackjack player, during which he headed up to Atlantic City two or three times a week for marathon card sessions.
Though Ai was an obsessive gallery-goer ("I must have seen every exhibition in the 1980s," he claims) he found little to connect with in the then-fashionable Neo-Expressionist painting of Julian Schnabel and Jean-Michel Basquiat.
His two great New York discoveries were Dada and Andy Warhol.
The readymades of Marcel Duchamp, and the notion that functional objects could be subverted to make them "useless" and strange, were fascinating to a young man who had only been exposed to extremely traditional forms of art.
Of Warhol he wrote that he "was a self-created product, and the transmission of that product was a characteristic of his identity, including all of his activities and his life itself".
The possibility that art could be present in all the actions and gestures of the artist was to be the foundation of his future practice.
By about 1986 he had given up painting and was making objects out of coat-hangers, shoes, raincoats and other everyday items.
On his return to China in 1993, Ai brought with him a commitment to conceptualism, and a lofty notion of Modernism, which he saw as a kind of total interrogation of the human condition: "Modernism has no need for various masks or titles; it is the primal creation of the enlightened, it is the ultimate consideration of the meaning of existence and the plight of reality, it is keeping tabs on society and does not cooperate. Enlightenment is attained through a process of self-recognition, attained through a teeming thirst for and pursuit of an inner world, attained through interminable doubts and puzzlement."
The idea that the "pursuit of an inner world" is a primary artistic activity may seem banal to anyone who grew up with conventional western Romantic notions of art, but Ai has made it the foundation of his challenge to the Chinese state, which he accuses of producing "a society without citizens".
"A person with no true rights cannot have a complete sense of morality or humanity," he wrote in 2008. "Freedom of expression is one of life's basic rights... Modernity cannot exist without freedom of speech."
Ai's connection of artistic Modernism to human rights and a kind of relentless questioning of the political, social and psychological status quo is arguably one of the most important developments in Chinese art since it opened up to the West at the end of the Cultural Revolution.
In the 1990s, Ai published a series of influential underground books, known as the "Red Flag books", which introduced other Chinese artists to his ideas and tried to prod them into thinking more critically about their art-making.
He also produced thousands of photographs, many of them witty and provocative, such as the now-famous image of his wife-to-be, Lu Qing, winsomely lifting her skirt in Tiananmen Square, or the series drily titled Studies Of Perspective, in which the photographer gives the finger to the White House, the Eiffel Tower and other national cultural monuments.
In 2000 he organised a counter-exhibition to the Shanghai bienniale, with the blunt English title "Fuck Off", a phrase deadpanned into Chinese as "Unco-operative Approach".
Seen by many international curators and critics, it turned Ai into a fully fledged art-star.
One of Ai's productive borrowings from Warhol was the idea of the factory.
Very quickly, he was running an atelier with a huge number of technically skilled assistants, producing large-scale sculptural pieces.
Like other Chinese artists, who have access to cheap labour and unusual materials, this positioned him perfectly to perform in the environment of international biennials, the artworld equivalent of the blockbuster summer action flick, where grandeur and scale of statement are everything.
After he designed a house for himself in 1999, a string of architectural commissions ensued, as developers in the booming Chinese regions scrambled to add some cultural gloss to their portfolios.
His architectural style is simple and unadorned.
As he wrote, "I don't aspire to be surrounded by precision, and my own life experiences have little to do with precision, but I do aspire to rationality and reason in art."
One side effect of China's breakneck development has been the wanton demolition of old neighbourhoods.
In Beijing, huge swaths of the city's old hutongs, or lanes, have been erased to make way for a new urban landscape of high-rise condos and malls.
Ai's art is intimately bound up with this, in complex and sometimes troubling ways.
Many of his large sculptures use wood and furniture from Ming and Qing dynasty structures (often temples) which have been demolished by developers.
Ai salvages and makes these once "useful" or functional things into oddities: a beam pierces a table; stools cluster together like huddled people; a map of China is drilled through a lintel like words in a stick of rock.
In a 2007 piece called Template, decorative doors were fixed together to make a monumental structure with a temple-shaped cut-out at its centre.
Ai is clearly aware of what is being lost through the thoughtless destruction of China's heritage.
"The extermination of a nation's collective memory and its ability for self-reflection is like a living organism's rejection of its own immune system. The main difference is that this nation won't die, it will only lose its sense of reason."
However he seems to feel a tension between the wish to acknowledge history and a contrary wish to overcome it.
In 2008 he wrote that "creativity is the power to reject the past, to change the status quo and to seek new potential".
Much of his work involves rejection of the most violent kind.
In 1995 he had himself photographed dropping a Han dynasty (206BC– AD202) urn on to a hard tiled floor. This shocking act has analogues in western contemporary art.
Robert Rauschenberg erased a drawing by Willem de Kooning and the Chapman brothers made cartoonish alterations to a set of Goya's Disasters of War etchings, titling the result, Insult to Injury.
The art market fetishises objects in the name of preserving their value as commodities, and this is something artists have frequently felt the need to kick against, but in the Chinese context Ai's act has a second set of meanings.
China is a place that has sometimes staggered under the weight of history and has more than once attempted to erase it.
The "first emperor", Qin Shihuangdi, is said to have decreed the burning of the entire corpus of historical knowledge, and murdered 460 Confucian scholars by burying them alive.
During the cultural revolution, museums, archives and temples were ransacked.
Ai helped his own father destroy his library.
"We had to burn all his books because he could have got into trouble. We burned all those beautiful hardcover books he collected, and catalogues – beautiful museum catalogues. He only had one book left, which was a big French encyclopedia."
Some of Ai's destructive gestures are hard to stomach.
In Colored Vases (2006), he started with a group of 50 neolithic vases, dating from between 3,000 and 5,000 years BC.
They are beautiful, delicately painted in red, black and ochre, a precious link to prehistory.
Ai drenched them in lurid industrial paint, turning them into objects that seem crass and banal.
He has painted other vases with corporate logos and ground rare porcelain into powder.
Yet he railed against the Beijing city authorities for painting the streetscape of the hutongs a uniform grey in preparation for the Olympics.
A clue to this apparent contradiction may be found in Ai's valorisation of people over objects.
Though he speaks of human rights, and much of his thinking is evidently influenced by western liberalism, many of his statements echo the classical Marxist formulation of alienation: "The more the worker expends himself in work the more powerful becomes the world of objects which he creates in the face of himself, the poorer he becomes in his inner life, and the less he belongs to himself."
His idea of Modernism as a rediscovery of the inner life of people necessarily involves having an antagonistic relationship to the world of things.
In 2006, internet portal sina.com helped him start his famous blog and in 2007 he used it to gather participants for Fairytale, a profoundly humanist project in which he took 1,001 Chinese to Germany for the Documenta exhibition.
The participants, from all walks of life, were not themselves "exhibited".
They did not become things. The experience was theirs.
Ai's intention was to offer them the "fairytale" scenario of foreign travel, alongside a second fairytale for the citizens of Kassel, the experience of seeing and meeting Chinese people in their small town.
In 2008 he collaborated with Herzog & de Meuron on the "bird's nest" Olympic stadium, but rapidly became disgusted with the "pretend smile" he felt China was putting on for the games and announced he would not attend.
He publicly excoriated the film director Zhang Yimou (Raise the Red Lantern, House of Flying Daggers) and the artist Cai Guoqiang (the man whose firework dragon failed to ignite on the Thames at the millennium) for creating the opening ceremony, which he termed "a visual crap-pile of phony affection and hypocritical unctuousness... an encyclopedia of spiritual subjugation".
On 12 May 2008 came the turning point, when this provocateur and prankster became a genuine threat to the Chinese state.
An earthquake of magnitude 8.0 hit Sichuan province, its epicentre 50 miles north-west of the capital Chengdu.
Official figures later confirmed 69,000 dead and 374,000 injured, with another 18,000 unaccounted for.
As the scale of the devastation became clear, Ai wrote a series of blog posts, at first grief-stricken and then increasingly angry as it became apparent that school buildings throughout the region had been disproportionately affected by the earthquake.
Up to 7,000 schools collapsed, often in places where surrounding buildings remained standing.
An unknown number of pupils were inside.
The so-called "tofu dregs" construction of these schools appeared to be the result of official corruption and siphoning off of funds.
Because of China's one-child policy, many families had lost their only son or daughter.
It soon became clear that the authorities were attempting to hush up the deaths of children in the "tofu dregs" schools.
Parents were harrassed.
No official list of the dead was published.
Incensed, Ai financed a so-called citizen investigation to pressure the provincial government to take responsibility for the deaths and release the list of names.
Volunteers met with bereaved families and collected footage for a documentary that Ai distributed freely throughout China.
After the citizen investigation, Ai's phone was tapped, surveillance cameras were mounted conspicuously outside his house, and the sina.com blog was closed.
Ai turned to Twitter, and began to incorporate imagery of the earthquake into his monumental international commissions.
At Munich's Haus der Kunst, he exhibited thousands of children's backpacks, covering the museum's facade, spelling out a quote from the mother of one of the victims: "She lived happily in this world for seven years."
In August 2009 Ai went to Sichuan with his usual entourage of assistants and videographers, to testify at the trial of Tan Zuoren, another activist for the rights of earthquake victims.
He was woken at 3am in his Chengdu hotel room by police pounding on his door.
As they tried to gain entry, Ai was struck on the head.
It was only when he left the country for the Haus der Kunst show the following month that his subsequent headaches were diagnosed as a cerebral haemorrhage, and he underwent surgery.
In January this year Shanghai authorities demolished his new studio, claiming it had been built illegally.
As the pitch of his confrontation with the authorities increased, some observers began to fear for Ai's life. Others believed his international fame made him untouchable.
After the so-called jasmine revolutions swept the Arab world at the beginning of the year, the Chinese authorities mounted an extensive campaign of detentions and ramped up censorship. A
s the anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre approaches on 4 June, it seems to have been decided to remove Ai from circulation.
The news that he is to be prosecuted for fraud seems to be a tactic to discredit him within China, where many people see him as unpatriotic, his human rights activism no more than "shameless" publicity-seeking.
Whether it is possible for the international artworld (or even international governments) to influence the Chinese authorities to bring about his release is an open question.
Simplistic calls for protests and boycotts have to confront the ineffectiveness of such tactics in previous situations of this kind.
Some China-watchers feel that international support for prisoners of conscience like the Nobel prizewinner Liu Xiaobo and journalist Shi Tao have made their freedom less, not more, likely.
Yet at the same time there is something distasteful about the spectacle of chic art-folk performing their outrage in the safety of London or New York or Berlin, while raking in the cash in Beijing, Shanghai and Hong Kong. The art market is essentially no more than a high-end service industry catering to the global elite, and it's perhaps asking too much for it to have a moral conscience.
Yet art makes high claims for itself, and perhaps players in the 21st-century artworld need to pay more than lip service to the ideals of Ai Weiwei.
On 23 August 2009, he tweeted this: "If there is one person who is still not free, then I am not; if there is one person who still suffers from insult and humiliation, then I do. Do you understand yet?"
If he is not free then we are not.
If he suffers from insult and humiliation, then we all do.
Wherever he is, we are with him.
Do we understand yet?
There is an exhibition of Ai Weiwei's work at Lisson Gallery, London NW1 (020 7724 2739), until 16 July 2011. www.lissongallery.com. Circle of Animals/Zodiac Heads is at Somerset House, London WC2 until 26 June 2011.